The mass rape of English girls is just another front in the war on the working class

The re-emergence the story of these horrific abuses reminds me that the professional managerial class would rather attack Tommy Robinson than deal with the actual crimes.

In the last week or so, there has been a social media explosion about the horrifying rape gangs that were operating throughout England and were exposed — with a herculean effort on the part of very few people — about a decade ago.

I noticed it a few days ago when a screenshot of part of the evidence went viral. It pertained to what a particular young victim endured, and it is so horrifying I will not share the details. I did not realise such things were anatomically possible. Click through only if you have a strong stomach.

Soon, Elon Musk was posting about it, demanding accountability, and the internet was aflame. The ruling Labour government has been pressed to address the issue, and has responded in the most unsatisfactory way possible. This is not in the least bit surprising since it is their ethos of cringe white guilt, authoritarianism for their political opponents, and loathing for regular people, that allowed these crimes to occur.

In 2014, a report was published that detailed the horrific abuse of 1,400 children in south Yorkshire — a conservative estimate — and said “police ‘regarded many child victims with contempt.’

Soon, the scandal grew to other police jurisdictions, following the same MO. South Asian men preyed upon poor, vulnerable, white girls, pimping them out to men across England. Police and social services did nothing to protect the girls or go after the perpetrators, fearing accusations of being called racist, or were simply ordered by their superiors to do nothing. A few girls were murdered. Some estimated the number of rape victims to be in the six figures.

According to this thread, the predation by Pakistani men on English girls in depressed northern towns goes back decades. I am surprised that anyone should be surprised.

You could write a long piece about the racial and/or religious element of this, and how poor white girls from broken homes were viewed as legitimate targets for rape and exploitation by men from a faith well known for its punishment of women.

But what I find most upsetting is how it shows the depth of the contempt that the white professional managerial class has for the white working class. Obviously, the crimes were done by the mostly Pakistani men, and they hold primary responsibility. But for whatever reason, I tend to be more enraged by the failures and the weaknesses of those tasked with protection of their own girls, than by the outright criminals who took advantage of that weakness.

Turns out, class or professional loyalty mattered more to the majority of those in positions of authority, than the safety of these girls.

There was this claim by a law enforcement officer, that a 12 year old who told police she had sex with 5 adults, had done so in a “100 percent consensual [way] in every incident.” (Thankfully, he was overruled.)

There was the time when a 13 year old was found half-naked and drunk in a house with a group of seven adult Pakistani men. The girl was arrested and charged, and eventually convicted, with being drunk and disorderly. The men were left alone.

Fathers who attempted to rescue their underage daughters from the houses in which they were being held, were arrested.

From members of the chattering classes who analysed the failures, we’ve seen dismal attempts to explain away the crimes.

This academic wrote in 2013 that pointing out the existence of child abusing networks run by South Asian men was “fuelling racist rhetoric.” She wrote: ‘it can seem that the greatest effrontery about grooming is not the abuse of children but the interracial sex itself.”

Even one of my favourite podcasters, historian Tom Holland, waxed lyrical that the tragedy of the case lay in the fact that the ‘noble intentions’ of police and social services — in trying to prevent racial tensions — had gone horribly wrong. As if police operate under a mandate of enforcing liberal purity ideals, and not the law — which clearly states that grown men cannot have sex with 11 and 12 year olds.

The liberal-progressive simply cannot come to grips with how deep runs the disdain for their fellow countrymen. They cannot possibly admit to it, because being liberal-progressives, they are the good guys…right? They are the enlightened, no? They are the moral arbiters — aren’t they? The more the evidence grows that this is not the case, the more entrenched their denial becomes.

Enter Tommy Robinson. While there were a few brave souls who worked tirelessly for years to expose the scandal, (Americans, look up Maggie Oliver), no one has been more of a hate figure for the British media and government than Robinson.

He has been speaking out about the systemic rapes for years now. And he has been the convenient scapegoat for the PMC’s class hatred, offering them an easy target at which to aim their fire.

For years now, the mere mention of Robinson’s name in polite circles had the same dark power as Steve Bannon’s name has with MSNBC viewers. It would provoke similar horror, revulsion, rebuke and derision. Robinson’s past convictions were held up as proof of his inherent untrustworthiness, or in the parlance of the internet, his grift. If you are interested in hearing his explanations for these convictions, you can do so in this Jordan Peterson interview.

I’m guessing that Andrew Fox, a security expert with whom I agree on a lot of things, as my interview with him from last year shows, has not watched the Peterson interview. Because Fox offered the most perfect summation of the PMC case against Robinson in this tweet. Essentially, he deploys the classic liberal scare tactic of pointing to someone’s purported misdeeds as proof that their fundamental argument is invalid.

Given the events of this year in particular — especially with the Southport murders in July and the subsequent dictatorial punishments of social media users — this tactic is becoming less and less effective, as the responses to Fox’s tweet show.

It increasingly looks to me like Robinson’s long rap sheet is about as trustworthy as Donald Trump’s — ie it’s the proof not of the person’s criminality, but rather of the need of the establishment to paint him as a criminal in an attempt to silence him. Perhaps it’s because both men have a blunt way of expressing themselves that resonates greatly with ordinary people.

But the evidence of two tiers of justice in the UK is just too overwhelming at this point. Anyone without a vested interest in remaining in the good books of the establishment is now seeing things clearly.

The heinous crimes against the working class girls of England are, unfortunately, actually just a drop in the bucket. Of course there is justifiable anger at the kid glove treatment given to the perpetrators. Just as we have seen good faith extended to Muslim fundamentalists who have been terrorising and murdering Europeans for my entire lifespan. But the plight of the British and American working class cannot be laid at the feet of sharia supremacists or illegal immigrants. White working class families were the second target of the policy of managed decline that has shaped my generation and those that came after it. The first target, incidentally, was the black working class family. This was expressed through welfare policies, economic policies, education policies and new cultural norms that make up our current reality throughout the west.

The Neo-liberal world order simply does not have any place for large working class populations employed in industrial jobs. So their work was devalued, taken away, their neighbourhoods flooded with drugs, their families broken through divorce and addiction and unemployment. The lucky ones — like my father — used the public welfare system to get university degrees and leave behind forever the working class culture they were raised in.

And the others? Well, allow me a brief digression to illustrate what I see almost daily.

There is a street in Belfast city centre that encapsulates this cultural devastation. It’s the entry point into town if you are coming from the old working class communities of west Belfast, and during the Troubles there was a security checkpoint there, where I remember women and children, including my granny and I, passing through metal detectors that searched for explosives. It’s a very old street that in the Georgian era had two theatres, private houses and shops. It was always a bit run down, but today it’s like night of the living dead. There’s pound shops, scary looking pubs, and feral children running in groups up and down the street. Street fights break out between hobos and junkies and the gangs that prey on them. Every other person you see has a busted nose, or is already passed out on the sidewalk.

That poor people live with degradation is nothing new. But in our current secular, materialist world, there is no respite for those stuck there.

This slow-moving societal calamity was papered over when the welfare state was functioning better and there was more cohesion. That is no longer the case. The mass rape of English girls is just the most egregious case of high-handed disdain the powers that be have for our working class brethren.